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The protesters took to the streets in Nairobi to mark one year since the anti-tax demonstrations and to commemorate those who lost their lives on 25th June 2024. Photo: Boniface Muthoni, (c) Sipa USA/Alamy Live News

Young Africans demand transparency and opportunities for participation from political parties

In June 2024, Kenyan youth took to the streets. They demanded not only the reversal of planned tax increases, but also the democratisation of Kenya’s political processes and greater transparency, accountability and opportunities for participation. The Kenyan police violently suppressed the peaceful demonstrations, resulting in the deaths of nearly 100 people during the protests. 

The protesters achieved a lot: President William Ruto cancelled the proposed tax increases before they were approved and replaced almost the entire government. The new government has a broader political base than the previous one. At the same time, however, the actions of the president and the government began to become more autocratic. The country is using methods known throughout world history to silence political criticism from young people: divide and rule, luring critics into the power elite with various benefits and rewards, and open violence. In Kenya, more than 100 young people have been kidnapped since July 2024, five of whom have been murdered. 

Following their well-organised protests, young people now constitute a vast and heterogeneous group that acts effectively but in an unorganised manner. Many young people have stated that political parties are not for them because they are corrupt, lack a clear agenda, and do not provide forums for meaningful youth participation. Furthermore, young people oppose how political parties are formed and operate.

Many young people have stated that political parties are not for them.

In Kenya, as in many other sub-Saharan countries, political parties are typically formed around a single strong figure and almost always represent a single regional or ethnic group. As understandable and justified as young people’s attitude toward political parties is, it is also problematic: Unless the youth organise themselves in one way or another, the current strong youth movement will most likely disintegrate and wither away before long.

Youth are protesting in other sub-Saharan countries as well 

Recently, and particularly in 2024 and 2025, young people in many other countries, such as Mozambique, Uganda, Ghana, Nigeria, Senegal, and South Africa, have been protesting against the prevailing political conditions. The situation of young people and the reasons for their dissatisfaction in sub-Saharan African countries are linked by widespread youth unemployment, which also makes it difficult to focus on political activity, as time and energy are spent on securing a basic livelihood. They are also united by difficulties in entering politics, as young people often lack knowledge of the basics of political activity, and there are no forums in politics where they can have their voices heard. 

Youth are frustrated with the political elite, which dates back to the colonial era, is corrupt, and clings to power tightly. Young people demand accountable and transparent politics, respect for human rights, and a democracy that listens to citizens – including youth – and their needs. The population of sub-Saharan Africa is 1.3 billion, 70% of whom are under 30 years of age. Of these, 53 million are unemployed and not in education. 

Factors influencing the effectiveness of the protests 

Kenya’s Generation Z achieved significant results with their protests. In Mozambique, Uganda, and Nigeria, youth protests had no concrete impact. The governments in these countries also responded violently to the protests. In Nigeria, very young people, including children, were arrested, and some were held in inhumane conditions for several weeks without adequate food. 

The protests in Mozambique, Uganda, and Nigeria were not as well organised as those in Kenya. In addition to the degree of organisation among young people, the social conditions in each country affect how much and in what ways young people can engage in political action. This also affects how many concrete results can be achieved through protests. 

The European Partnership for Democracy (EPD) recently published the Global Youth Participation Index (GYPI), which measures opportunities for young people to participate in society. The index examines 141 countries around the world and scores them on a scale of 0 to 100 based on a wide range of criteria, where 0 means that young people have no opportunity to express themselves politically and 100 means that they have extensive freedom to assemble, express opinions, and take action in society. The index expresses the overall situation by giving each country a rating of high, medium or low to describe the opportunities for young people to participate. 

According to the GYPI, Kenya ranks 80th among 141 countries in 2025, with a score of 59 out of 100. Kenya’s rating in 2025 is medium. In practice, this means that young people can express their opinions and organise demonstrations. However, at the same time, the Kenyan government acts in a way that restricts the space, security and results of action. 

The table below shows the scores and rankings of some sub-Saharan African countries on the EPD’s GYPI index. In all of these countries, young people have demanded political reforms through peaceful protests in 2024–2025. 

Country Score 0–100 Ranking out of 141 countries Category 
Ghana 66 50 High 
South Africa 64 61 High 
Kenya 59 80 Medium 
Senegal 57 86 Medium 
Nigeria 51 111 Low 
Uganda 49 117 Low 
Mozambique 45 126 Low 

The table shows that the space for young people’s political activity is more restricted in Mozambique, Uganda, and Nigeria than in the other countries mentioned. 

Another significant factor affecting the effectiveness of protests is the degree of organisation. In Kenya, young people were very skilled in organising themselves on social media. In Uganda and Mozambique, on the other hand, the degree of organisation was low. 

In Kenya, there are more established, powerful political actors who are rallying support for the youth movement. They understand that if young people do not receive support and opportunities for meaningful action, their frustration will erupt in a more negative way than the peaceful demonstrations seen so far, which have called for change through parliamentary means. 

Demo Finland supports democracy in Kenyan political parties 

The youth protests in Kenya in 2024 drew attention to the weaknesses of Kenyan political parties. In Kenya, as in many other countries in sub-Saharan Africa, political parties have traditionally been formed around a single charismatic individual, mainly to support that person in elections. 

The parties have represented regional and ethnic interests rather than wider social goals, and they have generally lacked the kind of political or ideological programme that would enable voters to make their choice or hold parties accountable. The parties are internally weak and prone to disintegration when the political situation in the country changes. As a rule, the parties also lack the structures and practices that would enable marginalised groups, such as young people, to participate meaningfully in political decision-making.

Political parties have traditionally been formed around a single charismatic individual.

Demo Finland and its partner, the Westminster Foundation for Democracy (WFD), completed a four-year democracy support programme in 2024 that helped more than 20 political parties establish structures and practices to facilitate the political participation of persons with disabilities. You can read about the results of the project here

In January 2025, Demo Finland and WFD launched a new programme designed to respond to the new political situation and needs arising from the youth protests. The programme draws on the experiences, materials, and structures produced by the previous programme. 

The programme supports political parties in developing internal democracy, programmatic work and inclusiveness. Five parties have been selected for the programme, all of which have clearly demonstrated their willingness and ability to engage in this kind of development work. Some of the parties have already formed effective youth working groups and other structures or practices that have enabled them to mobilise young people, women, and persons with disabilities for meaningful political activity.

The development of intra-party democracy is new in Kenya.

The programme began by identifying the individual development needs of the selected parties. According to the study, the parties needed support in refining their political philosophy and strategy and in communicating it both internally and externally. In addition, the parties wanted support in conducting political analysis to learn how to respond to social changes. The development of intra-party democracy is new in Kenya.

The aim of the programme is that, by the time it ends in 2027, the political parties involved will have developed documents (strategies), structures, and practices that will enable them to 

  • communicate their strategy and political programme both internally and to the Kenyan electorate;
  • create and maintain internal structures that enable party members to hold the party accountable and ensure transparency in its decisions, activities, and use of funds;
  • identify marginalised groups in society, such as young people, and involve them in party activities and, through this, in broader political decision-making;
  • identify social changes to which the party must be able to respond with programmatic and practical solutions. 

The programme is very timely. Firstly, the work is taking place in a country where recent political events have sparked public interest in the inclusion and accountability of political parties. Secondly, young people constitute a huge group of people who have traditionally been marginalised in political decision-making. Marginalised youth are seen in different countries as both a threat and a potential resource. Active political inclusion emphasises seeing youth as a resource, and by offering young people meaningful channels for influence, it is possible to prevent them from becoming a threat, for example, through radicalisation.

Read more: 

Explaining youth political mobilization and its absence: the case of Bobi Wine and Uganda’s 2021 election 

Ithy – Unifying Youth Voices: Transforming Ugandan Politics 

Mozambique’s youth revolution: The pulse of democracy in 2024 -Newsday Zimbabwe 

Africa’s youth protests: A storm brewing for 2025? | Monitor 

GYPI-Final-Report.pdf 

Youthquake: How Kenya’s Gen Z Took on IMF Austerity – INTERNATIONALIST 360° 

African cities sitting on ‘keg of gunpowder’ as growing youth anger fuels unrest | CNN 

The views expressed are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of Demo Finland.

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